That Great and Reviled Tradition of the Opium Den

Trade with China became a crucial component of the British economy at the beginning of the 18th century when demand for tea among the fledgling English bourgeoisie suddenly exploded. The necessity of dealing with China for Britain’s tea was problematic to European merchants who could only trade silver in Chinese markets. Ships bound for China would leave port empty, save for a chest of silver ingots and ten tons of sand loaded into their hulls for ballast. The British East India Company discovered that they could grow opium with their plantations in India, smuggle it into China by bribing port officials and use this to trade for tea at a favorable rate. Opium use was fashionable in China at the time. It was banned by the emperor and so very scarce and expensive. Opium was thought of as a luxury enjoyed only by the leisure classes. Once it was introduced by the East India Company into the import market, it became available to everyone. Some estimate that by the end of the 19th century more than a quarter of all men in China took opium habitually. Inasmuch as the British became infatuated with tea, the Chinese grew addicted to opium.

Opium use was so commonplace in China that one encountered opium dens in Chinese towns the way one might have found coffeehouses in Europe around the same time. Normally we think of the opium den as a squalid, sweaty little room like the one pictured above. This might accurately reflect what they were like in America and Europe, which were frequented almost exclusively by poor coolies and garden-variety degenerates, but in China, opium dens were opulent and tasteful. They were staffed by servers who tended to guests in various states of swoon and who saw to the den’s upkeep. People would visit opium dens in old China the way they would bars today.

Opium was prevalent among all classes in society. The quality of the opium den one frequented reflected his or her wealth and social standing. Some of the very rich had rooms in their abodes devoted to opium smoking. The picture below is of a replica opium room crafted by a master dollhouse maker who goes by Sweetington on flickr. It is not an actual room but rather a model room that Sweetington assembled as part of a miniature Chinese palace project he is currently working on.
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Opium culture in China was effectively eliminated by the communist government in the 1950s. The borders were closed to most foreign imports and of course, opium was among these. All domestic cultivation was suspended and made illegal. Chairman Mao had hundreds of known opium dealers put to death and placed ten million citizens in compulsory treatment programs.

Paraphernalia from old Chinese opium dens are still pretty widely available today. I found this very nice Qing Dynasty opium bed being auctioned at Christies of London. The closing bid was just £2,375, surprisingly low, in my opinion, given the detail and elegance of the piece. Evidently these things are fairly easy to come by.

Haijin

At various points in China’s history, the Haijin order has been placed on peoples of the coastal. Haijin is a restriction on maritime activity. It means literally “sea ban.” The entailments of these bans would change from age to age. In some cases it meant prohibitions against owning ocean-going vessels and putting them to sea. Less strict Haijins sought only to regulate maritime shipping. The ostensible purpose of the policy was to deter piracy and smuggling. Some have speculated that the underlying intent was to mitigate the development of coastal economies so as to preserve the supremacy of the imperial capital. Haijin certainly had the practical effect of devastating China’s ports and of keeping the coastal border weak and unfortified.

The most traumatic Haijin was instituted in 1661 under Emperor Kangxi’s reign. Since the Emperor was only a boy king at the time, the policy was actually executed by Guwalgiya Oboi, one of four regents appointed by the previous Emperor to administer the government until his son reached maturity. Oboi was a successful Manchurian general who had been instrumental in deposing the Ming and installing a Manchu Emperor on the throne. He regarded the Chinese as enemies and even though he was appointed to govern the country, he had no sympathy for its people and no interest in its enrichment. Oboi suspected certain factions on the southern coast of harboring loyalties to the Ming. Remnants of the old Ming armies were still operating out of Taiwan. To make sure that the people on the mainland could not aid them in making landfall, Oboi ordered by imperial edict that inhabitants of the coastal regions of Guangdong Province abandon their dwellings and move no less than 50 li (25 km) inland. Oboi dispatched a sizable force to enforce the edict. The general who oversaw the operation had is soldiers build a small earthen wall to mark the restricted area. Anyone caught on the other side of the wall was to be beheaded.

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This sweeping Haijin would become known as the Great Clearance. It dragged on for 8 years, the entire duration of Guwalgiya Oboi’s regency. When the Kangxi Emperor reached the age of fourteen, he took power and discharged Oboi from office. He had him arrested and later executed. That same year, Kangxi lifted the edict of the Great Clearance and withdrew the armies that were enforcing it. History tells us that it was the court officials Zhou Youde and Wang Lairen who persuaded Kangxi to lift the ban. The nondescript building pictured above is the Chou Wong Yi Kung Study Hall, erected in 1685 by the sea in honor their honor.

During the years of the Great Clearance, Xin’an and surrounding counties had become a wilderness. Several clans returned to the area after the ban was lifted, but it would be many years before the area would again rise to prominence as British Hong Kong.

Marginalization of European Mercantilism in China

The members of the first Portuguese embassy to arrive in China in the early 16th century were arrested and beaten to death by the imperial authorities of Canton. The mouths of their corpses were stuffed with their own genitals, and their heads were then sawn from their bodies and strung up in the city square. This was done in response to Portugal’s military activities in Malaysia. Being an imperial power themselves, the Chinese understood colonial expansion and recognized that the Portuguese were clumsily and brutally carrying out just such a venture in the Indian Ocean. Expecting a reprisal for the slaughter of their emissaries, the Chinese Emperor ordered the construction of a war fleet to repel a Portuguese counter attack. None came. Portugal in the 1520’s hadn’t the strength to challenge the JiaJing Emperor. It remained in the East Indies and consolidated its power there.

No-one will want to lose your business for the NBA viagra india price team members. Treatment Treatment varies, betting on that plant life is inflicting the condition and how severe the symptoms square measure gentle samples viagra and vary greatly from person to person. Keep it in a safe and dry cheap sildenafil uk place away from heat, light and moisture. cialis best price http://cute-n-tiny.com/tag/hambuger/ But one should consult their physicians before consuming such medicines. Thirteen years passed and the quarrel was forgotten. To the Chinese, the presence of Portuguese ships in the east was an insignificance. When Portuguese traders again appeared in the Pear River Estuary in 1835, it was not a cause for anxiety among the officials in Canton. They permitted the storm-beaten merchants to anchor in a remote harbor and haul their goods ashore to dry. The Portuguese would continue returning to this place for many years to trade with the Chinese. In the 1550s they erected warehouses to store their purchases, which made them able to trade while their ships were away. They paid Canton 20 Kilos of silver each year as rent, and in return, the local authorities allowed them to construct domiciles and maintain a permanent presence on the swampy peninsula where they were established. This trading outpost was the beginnings of Portuguese Macau, one of a few colonial footholds Europeans held on the Chinese mainland. Throughout history most of China’s economic and diplomatic contact with the West has been conducted through Macau and neighboring Hong Kong located on the opposite side of the estuary. This was and to a large part still remains one of the only access points to Chinese markets permitted to Europeans. Early merchants in the Pearl River delta had to adhere to the Emperor’s strict terms on trade. They were to remain at all times in Macau or Hong Kong and were restricted from traveling elsewhere in China. They could stay only during designated trading seasons. They could not carry firearms. And, most important to the Chinese authorities, they could trade only in silver and had to keep the Emperor’s weights and measures. This meant that the Europeans could not exchange their own goods with Chinese buyers. They essentially had to resort to paying for everything in currency. This did not initially deter European traders because, in truth, they did not have goods to offer that the Chinese would have wanted. China had a hand in every major trade market and already had everything available to them for better prices than what European traders could offer them. It wasn’t until the Portuguese and the British began smuggling opium into the country from India that they could finally achieve a trading advantage.

Chinese Nail Houses

In rapidly developing China, it is apparently common to see old ramshackle housing sitting unperturbed amid intense construction. The Chinese call these properties nail houses. They are often the only standing structure on a block that has been completely demolished, making them look like nails sticking out of a flat board. The analogy also suggests that the property owners themselves are like nails who the hammer has missed and who stubbornly refused to be pounded down. Since most of the large-scale real estate development projects in China are commissioned by the government, developers are able to be a lot more coercive with holdout residents. They begin carrying out projects around an occupied domicile knowing that eventually the resident will be forced to leave and construction will be allowed resume as usual. I’m not sure what recourse property owners have available to them in the Chinese courts. There are evidently scenarios in which residents have secured the right to remain in their homes. The lengths to which developers will go to compel holdouts to leave are rather striking:

This crater in Shenzhen (mainland Hong Kong) is supposed to be the site of an 88-storey financial center. 389 other property owners accepted compensation for their land. The 340th refused. He claimed that his building was worth more that what they were offering him. The developer argued that when Hong Kong merged into the People’s Republic of China the land reverted to state property and that he no longer held any claim to it. The Chinese government refused to intervene on the matter, so the developer began removing earth around the house and effectively isolating it from the rest of the city. After 11 days, the property owner and the developer finally came to an agreement over compensation.
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It is only within the last 30 years that people in China were even allowed to own land. If someone owns land it is usually to conduct business on. Many small shopkeepers own the land upon which their stores sit. Because of this one will see dilapidated newsstands and restaurants sitting in the middle of shiny, new public plazas.

This house in Chongqing and its owner became famous as eminent domain holdouts. The house sat right in the middle of a block where developers wanted to build a high-rise apartment building. The owner of the house wanted an apartment in the building of comparable size to her current house. The developer of the apartment building offered her a small sum of money instead, which she vocally refused. To this the developer and construction company isolated the house and its resident by digging out a ten-meter deep pit around the property. They did not even leave her with a causeway to the street. With no electricity gas or running water, the owner had supplies like food and propane hoisted up to her. She resisted seizure of her house for 2 years before finally settling with the developer in 2007 for 3.5 million yuan (US$453,000).

Rage and Reaction

Republicmagazine.com ran this report under the headline “Municipal Communism: Norfolk Land Grab Soviet Seizes Land, Censors Protest.” The City of Norfolk, Virginia apparently condemned a number of industrial buildings and sold the properties to nearby Old Dominion University. Among them was Central Radio Company—whose excellent company website can be found here—which responded to the city’s unfavorable compensation offer and their subsequent loss in court challenging the offer with the sign pictured above. The city later cited the business for erecting the sign, saying that it violated an ordinance limiting the size of sign advertisements within the neighborhood to 60 sq. feet. The Republic must have saw this story in the local newspaper and decided to report on it themselves to agitate the readership and foment a little outrage.

The Republic, for those not familiar, is of a class of publication that is in the business of monetizing bile. I hesitate to recount this information as fact for fear that the story may have been distorted to some degree by the writer’s heavy political bias. His writing in the article is larded with indulgent little quips about how the situation is reminiscent of Stalin’s Soviet Union and how the municipal entities involved are crypto-socialist shadow groups. Commenters who responded to the article saw fit to espouse revolution, specifically a kind revolution that is predicated on disobedience:

Paul BpPP says: “The revolution occurs when the victims cease to cooperate.”
– Karl Hess

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Alice Ray says: “The end of cooperation is what ended Prohibition. Juries simply refused to convict anyone. Under law, they are not required to convict no matter the evidence, if they deem the particular violated law to be spurious.”

Delia Lopez says: “The Revolution is coming Ron Paul for president a Liberty- Candidates in congress and we can make a difference. Get busy it is time.”

The fixation on revolution is interesting. I left my own comment about how the “victim” hypocritically criticizes the government for eminent domain while at the same time running a business that contracts with the Navy and is largely dependant on government spending for its success. What I was attempting here was to surreptitiously advance a dissenting argument using the tone and political position of reactionary discourse. I wanted to prove the implicit contradictions in the political platform upon which the article was unquestionably predicated. I’m certain now that I failed at this. I failed because his kind of reactionary attitude is not supported by any intelligible platform; rather, it grows out of a basic resentment and frustration with all institutions. Both the writers and the readers of this article are the sort of people who are outraged by their own insignificance. The fierceness with which the message is delivered is compensation for the impotence of the speaker. The practical result is divisive, but I think the underlying dilemma is one we all have in common. In the absence of any real and substantive control over lives and our surroundings our only recourse is bleating complaint.

Mutilated Acres

I’m generally for tyranny of the majority and depriving individuals of rights and personal privilages if there is utilitarian benefit to be had. State power in the modern world is colossal and terrifying. As an instrument for executing our collective will it is unparalleled. Like any force, it can be applied toward creation as well as destruction, or more accurately both simultaneously. The people are the hammer, government the chisel. I say that as one who owns no property and is in possession of nothing in need of defending. Were I properly middle class I would have more to lose. I might have misgivings over the possibility of my land and property being reapportioned by “the people” and trampled over by strangers as a public way or some crowded park.

Outside of Stoughton, Wisconsin, a farmer whose land is bisected by I-90 painted this sarcastic message on the front of his barn, in plain view of everyone passing by on the highway:


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I grew up in Madison and have passed this barn many times. I used to wonder about the resentment and frustration this person must bear toward the very presence of this road. It passes right in front of his (or, less likely, her) house. The family that lives there is confronted with it every day. The message is sardonic but also kind of light-hearted, as if the individual who wrote it has long ago given up making threats and has since resigned himself to a complacent grudge. It is worth noting that this road was expanded into an interstate highway in the mid-50’s. It’s been there for close to sixty years and has probably just become part of the landscape of this region for most people. But for that one angry man it remains an intrusion. He calls it a mutilation because to him it’s a wound that will never heal fully. He directs the message at everyone driving on the road, because, really, everyone who uses this highway is implicated in the injustice. His anger has transcended from a petty and impossible dispute with the government to a broader incitement of the system we all as a people have submitted him to. This message is intended to remind us of what we’ve done, and what we continue doing.

In recent years, he has added the bit about the 2nd amendment on his machinery shed. Maybe this represents a new dimension in his philosophy of resistance: protecting and keeping alive the possibility of armed opposition.

Confederate Government’s Requisition of Slave Labor

In the 1940s there was a sudden interest among American Civil War historians regarding the impressments of southern slaves into service for the Confederate States of America. Though banned from serving in the military, slaves were still used by the confederate government as laborers. The fortifications at Savannah and Vicksburg, for example, were built by impressed slaves, as well as several railroads connecting Alabama and the Carolinas to Richmond. The law, as written by the confederate legislature, granted the government power summon no more that 20,000 slaves into service at any one time and for a period no longer than 60 days. Slave owners were to be reimbursed $22 a month for lost productivity. The army would see to feeding, clothing and quartering the slave for the duration of impressment. Despite these terms, southern planters were adamantly opposed to the law. A southern newspaper at the time noted with some irony that farmers who did not hesitate sending their own sons to the front lines of battle fought bitterly against any effort to deprive them of their slaves. Partially this is because of the obvious loss of profit, but more likely it was the hazardousness of the work and the likelihood of losing valuable and difficult to replace “property” that discouraged planters from sharing slaves. One can deduce that slaves’ treatment at the hands the poor whites who made up the labor corp. would have been very poor and probably abusive. The department that was responsible for overseeing impressment was notorious for mismanaged and often shown to be incapable of fulfilling the government’s obligations. Slaves would often come home from their service beaten, starved and in possession of only a portion of the planter’s reimbursement. To avoid relinquishing their slaves to the state, some planters apparently sent their men away to Arkansas and Texas, or hid them on other farms. I learned from the Ken Burns Civil War documentaries that there were businesses that would collect masses of slaves from the worried planters and march them into the West where the government would not look for them. Contemporary historians speculate that the journey would have been very hard and that a considerable number of slaves might have died on the trail. I’ve not found anything to verify this. The historian who talks about this second “Trail of Tears” in the documentary looks like he might be exaggerating a bit. One of the problems with studying the Civil War is that records from the confederacy are scarce, or they go unread. These historians of the 30s and 40s who write about impressment were some of the first to have any interest in consulting records from the confederate governments. They were themselves southerners, working for southern universities. I wonder if this historicism of the southern rebellion could be viewed as a sign that the south had by that time fully undergone reconstruction and was embarking on a new era of its history. Or is it the opposite: that the struggles of the confederacy were being kept alive in the southern imagination and that people’s attitudes about being southern had in fact crystallized on account of the Civil War and the South’s defeat.

One historian I found equated the southern planters’ unwillingness to surrender productive capacity to their government to the recalcitrance of some in the American private sector who neglected to contribute generously to the war effort in his own time:

“The dilemma of the slaveholders was similar to that of many business men of the World War days; men who had much at stake and often professed loyalty in immoderate terms – but who had no qualms of conscience when employing legal experts to reduce their income tax payments.” (Trexler)

Some sources:
Acute gout attacks can bring on a generic prescription viagra without throbbing and excruciating pain. If the prescription cialis on line flow of blood into the penis is more than enough. Nitric oxide will draw blood into the genital area, http://www.heritageihc.com/help cheapest cialis which will cause the clitoris to be aroused and become highly sensitive. Then, you have to order it from local pharmacies viagra from canada pharmacy or online. Nelson, Bernard H. “Confederate Slave Impressment Legislation, 1861-1865.”
The Journal of Negro History 31.4 (1946): 392-410.

Trexler, Harrison A. “The Opposition of Planters to the Employment of Slaves as Laborers by the Confederacy.” The Mississippi Valley Historical Review 27.2 (Sep., 1940): 211-224.

Ramsdell, Charles W. “Some Problems Involved in Writing the History of the Confederacy.” The Journal of Southern History 2.2 (May, 1936): 133-147.